For some time now, Canadians have been repeatedly warned about the dangers of unaccountable money and politics—and rightly so, money corrupts, and—with the exception of power, nothing corrupts politics faster than money.

Yet these warnings appear to have fallen on the deaf ears of our ruling elites.   Continuing revelations in the mainstream media about Chinese Communist Party interference in Canadian elections and infiltration into Canadian politics and institutions are worrying at a number of levels, the least of which are the accusations of Chinese Communist cash being spent on schemes to affect Canada’s 2019 and 2021 elections.

Indeed, Chinese Communist interference in Canada is not limited to elections, as questions surrounding technology exports, Laboratory (scientific information) leaks, fifth column interference, social/political manipulation through social apps such as TikTok, dubious “Chinese police stations” in Canadian communities, and offshore “investments” raise serious concerns respecting Canada’s political, financial, and social integrity.  One would have to be reckless and/or naive not to conclude that Chinese Communist schemes to interfere in Canada’s elections are merely the tip of an iceberg aimed at suborning Canadian sovereignty.

Trudeau’s Failure to Defend Canada

Which brings us to Justin Trudeau.  So far, the best that Trudeau can do is to deny a full and open Public Inquiry into serious and credible allegations of Chinese Communist scheming.  Instead, we are insulted with his smug “there’s nothing to see here folks, move along” attitude.  Trudeau’s lackadaisical stance is akin to a tacit admission that there is indeed something rotten in the state of Canada.

The failure of Trudeau and his enablers to launch a full public inquiry into the serious allegations of Chinese Communist interference, an interference that strikes at the very heart of Canadian sovereignty, is shocking beyond belief.  The First Duty of government, any government no matter which political party may be forming the government of the day, is defence of the realm.

The fact that the Trudeau government has no interest in defending the realm should come as no surprise, given Trudeau and his government’s myriad failures and ethical shortcomings over the last 7 years.  Since 2015, Trudeau’s only claim-to-fame has been to preside over the most corrupt and ethically challenged administration in Canadian history.  By failing to defend Canada by ensuring the integrity of the political and election processes, Trudeau is implicitly declaring, “Look, I can’t be bought, but I can be rented.”

Other Sources of Funding?

Trudeau’s sorry spectacle of failing to address foreign money and influence in Canadian politics naturally raises the question of “why?”  We already know that Justin has openly expressed his admiration for the Chinese Communist dictatorship in remarks made in 2013 which should have been a huge red flag (no pun intended) to letting Trudeau anywhere near the Prime Minister’s office.  Apart from ideological affinity, Trudeau’s willingness to turn a blind eye to Chinese Communist money may be more pragmatic—he and the Liberals need it.

The allegations relating to Chinese Communist money are associated with China’s aim of ensuring a “friendly” government in Ottawa, and that means a Liberal government.  Now there’s a synergy to be leary of: an openly China-admiring Trudeau wants power. China wants a pro-China government in Ottawa—gee, what could possibly go wrong?

Available figures from Elections Canada on total 2022 fundraising by Canada’s political parties reveal an interesting and, if we were a Liberal, disturbing trend: Conservative Party : $26,942,148.68; Liberal Party, $15,424,123.35; NDP, $6,329,430.71.

As the chart clearly shows, the Conservative Party have outraised the Liberals by approximately 42%!  In terms of popular support, Conservatives have 835 pages of individual contributors as listed in the Elections Canada’s Contributor Disclosure Registry (200 names per page) compared to the Liberals’ 250 pages or the NDP’s 65 pages.

Funding as Voting?

Does political party fundraising tell us anything about their popularity and ultimate electability?

Recent polling over the past year has shown Conservative and Liberals very close, but who really relies on polls?  Looking at the 2022 fundraising results as a “poll of support” we’d say that the Liberal Front Office as well as the Backroom Boys and Girls are not very happy with the Party’s chances with Justin at the helm.

While it may be trite to say that the only poll that counts is the one on election day, it is also true that people who make a contribution to a political party are more likely to vote than not, and on that basis alone, the Liberals have to be concerned about what their fundraising figures are really signalling.

Questions Need to be Asked and Answered

Given the fact that many Liberal “wins” during the last election were by rather thin margins, the question of election integrity becomes even more crucial, especially where credible accusations of voter suppression have been made.

Where does the Liberal Party, a party that started 2022 with a 2021 deficit of $1,168,373 and outstanding bank loans of $26,700,000 get its money?  To be fair to the Liberals, there weren’t the only ones to be in a deficit at the end of 2021.  The Conservative finished 2021 with a deficit of $7,319,560, while the NDP had a deficit of $3,135,190.  The Conservatives also had bank loans outstanding of $23,000,000 which were repaid in full on 11 March 2022.  The NDP reported outstanding bank loans of $18,000,000.

As 2021 was an election year, the existence of the debt is a reminder that elections are expensive propositions providing numerous opportunities for temptation.  Accordingly, it is not unreasonable to ask whether it is time to, once again, introduce reform of political party financing, allowing for greater accountability and transparency?  What are the practical and ethical (conflict of interest) implications for political parties owing banks millions of dollars in loans when those very borrowers become the regulators of the institutions that lent them the money?

What aspects of Canada’s electoral system are vulnerable to corruption and interference by foreign elements hostile to Canadian interests?  Why has the Trudeau government failed to act upon information received by Canada’s security services outlining remarkably aggressive and detailed schemes of interference and influence not only with regard to the 2019 and 2021 elections but also agents of influence within the Canadian government and political establishment?  What did the Prime Minister know about it?  When did he know about it and when did he stop knowing about it?  Are the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and Privy Council Office (PCO) running with sufficient efficiencies to keep the Prime Minister and Cabinet fully informed on security matters related to foreign interference?  Who within the PMO and PCO is tasked with coordinating and sharing intelligence information with their political masters, including Parliamentary oversight committees?

The accusations may or may not be true.  At this point, without a full and open public inquiry, we don’t know.  What we do know, however, is that given Trudeau’s past ethically challenged behaviour and his congenital lying, the current resistance that Trudeau and the Liberals are exhibiting to allowing for a public inquiry only suggests the worst.